The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law)

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Read preview. Synopsis ""The Politics of Force" is one of the best books in the media and politics field that I have read in some time. The book explains how the majority of cases involving police use of force never become reported as 'brutality.

Police corruption - Wikipedia

Subscribe here! Corruption is a significant risk for companies operating in Mexico. Business registration processes, including getting construction permits and licenses, are negatively influenced by corruption. Organized crime continues to be a very problematic factor for business, imposing large costs on companies. Collusion between the police, judges and criminal groups is extensive, leading to widespread crime, theft, impunity and weak law enforcement.

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Gifts and hospitality are not forbidden by law and may be permissible, depending on intent. New anti-corruption laws were passed in , but their effectiveness has not been proven yet. Businesses face a high corruption risk when dealing with the judiciary in Mexico. Businesses indicate that they perceive that bribes and irregular payments are commonly exchanged in return for favorable judicial decisions GCR Businesses furthermore express low confidence in the independence of the judiciary and the efficiency of the legal framework in settling disputes and challenging regulations GCR In addition, half of households believe most or all judges and magistrates are corrupt GCB In practice, the judiciary has limited independence from the executive BTI , but it has never launched an independent investigation into corruption BTI At the state level, the judiciary is bound to the executive; all governors accused of corruption have so far escaped trial BTI At the local level, the judiciary in some places has been infiltrated by the drug organizations BTI However, reporting suggests that the system so far has not led to the desired outcomes and that political support for the system is disappearing The San Diego Union-Tribune, Aug.

Enforcing a contract in Mexico takes less than half the time required on average in the region while costs are roughly in line with the average DB Mexico is a signatory to the New York Convention. The security apparatus carries a high corruption risk for businesses operating in Mexico. Businesses report very low confidence in the reliability of the police services and businesses indicate that they face high costs due to crime and violence GCR Nearly two-thirds of Mexicans believe most or all police officers are corrupt GCB The police are highly corrupt and often operate with impunity in many regions of the country BTI Corruption is most prevalent at the municipal and state levels, but it is also a problem at the federal level BTI The police have also frequently been involved with drug organizations and accused of other law violations BTI Previous attempts to improve the situation, including the dissolution of the Federal Police and reforms including the centralization of police forces, have not shown results BTI Clientelism is widespread in Mexico and local and state governments have used the police to serve their clientelistic agendas BTI In September , dozens of Mexican police officers were accused of kidnapping 43 students in the town of Iguala and handing them over to a local drug gang to later be killed under the order of a high-level politician Independent , Nov.

Independent investigations into the role the government played in killings were ongoing as of the time of review The Intercept, Sept. The public services sector carries a high corruption risk for companies operating in Mexico: More than two-thirds of businesses claim that corruption is part of the business culture and that it affects their daily operations EY Companies indicate that bribes and irregular payments are frequently paid in the process of obtaining public services GCR Almost half of all surveyed companies report that they experience delays upon refusal to pay facilitation payments Control Risks On a more positive note, an overwhelming majority of companies in Mexico believe that resisting demands of bribery by corrupt officials has a positive effect, as officials eventually become less likely to issue demands in the future Control Risks Roughly two-thirds of Mexicans believe most or all local government officials are corrupt GCB The regulatory system is generally transparent and consistent with international norms, but corruption hampers the equal enforcement of some regulations ICS The jury could not agree on a verdict for the fourth officer charged with using excessive force.

The first two seconds of videotape, [39] contrary to the claims made by the accused officers, show King attempting to flee past Laurence Powell. During the next one minute and 19 seconds, King is beaten continuously by the officers. The officers testified that they tried to physically restrain King prior to the starting point of the videotape, but King was able to physically throw them off. Afterward, the prosecution suggested that the jurors may have acquitted the officers because of becoming desensitized to the violence of the beating, as the defense played the videotape repeatedly in slow motion, breaking it down until its emotional impact was lost.

Outside the Simi Valley courthouse where the acquittals were delivered, county sheriff's deputies protected Stacey Koon from angry protesters on the way to his car.

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  5. Movie director John Singleton , who was in the crowd at the courthouse, predicted, "By having this verdict, what these people done, they lit the fuse to a bomb. Led by attorney Warren Christopher , it was created to conduct "a full and fair examination of the structure and operation of the LAPD," including its recruitment and training practices, internal disciplinary system, and citizen complaint system. Though few people at first considered race an important factor in the case, including Rodney King's attorney, Steven Lerman, the Holliday videotape was at the time stirring deep resentment among African Americans in Los Angeles, as well as other major cities in the United States, where they had often complained of police abuse against their communities.

    The officers' jury consisted of Ventura County residents: ten white , one Latino , one Asian. Lead prosecutor Terry White was African American. On April 29, , the jury acquitted three of the officers but could not agree on one of the charges against Powell. Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley said, "The jury's verdict will not blind us to what we saw on that videotape.

    Bush said, "Viewed from outside the trial, it was hard to understand how the verdict could possibly square with the video. Those civil rights leaders with whom I met were stunned.


    And so was I and so was Barbara and so were my kids. Within hours of the acquittals, the Los Angeles riots began, lasting six days. African-Americans were outraged by the verdicts and began rioting in the streets along with the Latino communities.


    Smaller riots occurred in other U. During the riots, on May 1, , [46] King made a television appearance in which he said,. I just want to say — you know — can we all get along? Can we, can we get along? Can we stop making it horrible for the older people and the kids? I mean we've got enough smog in Los Angeles let alone to deal with setting these fires and things It's just not right. It's not right and it's not going to change anything. We'll get our justice.

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    They've won the battle, but they haven't won the war. We'll get our day in court and that's all we want. And, just, uh, I love — I'm neutral. I love every — I love people of color. I'm not like they're making me out to be. We've got to quit. We've got to quit; I mean after all, I could understand the first — upset for the first two hours after the verdict, but to go on, to keep going on like this and to see the security guard shot on the ground — it's just not right.

    It's just not right, because those people will never go home to their families again. And uh, I mean please, we can, we can get along here. We all can get along. We just gotta. We gotta. I mean, we're all stuck here for a while. Let's, you know, let's try to work it out. Let's try to beat it, you know. Let's try to work it out. The widely quoted line has been often paraphrased as, "Can we all just get along? After the acquittals and the riots, the United States Department of Justice DOJ sought indictments of the police officers for violations of King's civil rights.

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    On May 7, federal prosecutors began presenting evidence to the federal grand jury in Los Angeles. On August 4, the grand jury returned indictments against the three officers for "willfully and intentionally using unreasonable force" and against Sergeant Koon for "willfully permitting and failing to take action to stop the unlawful assault" on King.

    Based on these indictments, a trial of the four officers in the United States District Court for the Central District of California began on February 25, The federal trial focused more on the incident. Timothy Wind and Theodore Briseno were acquitted of all charges.

    During the three-hour sentencing hearing U. District Judge John Davies, accepted much of the defense version of the beating. He strongly criticized King, who he said provoked the officers' initial actions. Davies said that only the final six or so baton blows by Powell were unlawful. The first 55 seconds of the videotaped portion of the incident, during which the vast majority of the blows were delivered, was within the law because the officers were attempting to subdue a suspect who was resisting efforts to take him into custody.

    Davies found that King's provocative behavior began with his "remarkable consumption of alcoholic beverage" and continued through a high-speed chase, refusal to submit to police orders, and an aggressive charge toward Powell. Davies made several findings in support of the officers' version of events. Mitigation cited by the judge in determining the length of the prison sentence included the suffering the officers had undergone because of the extensive publicity their case had received, high legal bills that were still unpaid, the impending loss of their careers as police officers, their higher risks of abuse while in prison, and their undergoing two trials.

    The judge acknowledged that the two trials did not legally constitute double jeopardy, but nonetheless raised "the specter of unfairness". These mitigations were critical to the validity of the sentences imposed, because federal sentencing guidelines called for much longer prison terms in the range of 70 to 87 months. The low sentences were controversial, and were appealed by the prosecution. The case was appealed by the defense to the U.

    Supreme Court. Both Koon and Powell were released from prison while they appealed the Ninth Circuit's ruling, having served their original month sentences with time off for good behavior. On June 14, , the high court reversed the lower court in a ruling, unanimous in its most important aspects, which gave a strong endorsement to judicial discretion, even under sentencing guidelines intended to produce uniformity. King was subject to further arrests and convictions for driving violations after the incident, as he struggled with alcohol and drug addiction. On August 21, , he crashed his car into a block wall in downtown Los Angeles.

    In July , he was arrested by Alhambra police after hitting his wife with his car and knocking her to the ground. He was sentenced to 90 days in jail after being convicted of hit and run. On August 27, , King was arrested again for speeding and running a red light while under the influence of alcohol.

    The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law) The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law)
    The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law) The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law)
    The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law) The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law)
    The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law) The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law)
    The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law) The Politics of Force: Media and the Construction of Police Brutality (Politics & Law)

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