Consequently, we cannot rule out the possibility that 1 Enoch originated as an Ethiopian collection of Enochic writ- ings or as a Greek collection current only in some Christian circles at the time. Comments about Enoch's writings in early Jewish and Christian literature also suggest a situation more complex than Nickelsburg's theory allows.
Levi ; Origen, Trine. Some of the same texts and authors, however, also refer to mul- tiple "writings of Enoch" T. Levi and "booklets called Enoch" Origen, Horn. Even when Syncellus writes of the "first book of Enoch, con- cerning the Watchers," it is unclear whether he is referring to the Book of the Watchers or to a larger text similar in shape to 1 Enoch. We know that the Book of the Watchers was often copied and collected together with other Enochic pseudepigrapha, but this does not mean that we can draw a straight line from the Aramaic fragments from Qumran to the Ethiopian collection 1 Enoch.
Nevertheless, it remains that Nickelsburg's hypothesis raises important questions about the textual identity of the Book of the Watchers. To what degree - and where and when - did ancient Jews and Christians encounter 1 En. Should we liken the compilation of Enochic writings to the redactional growth of a book like Isaiah, to which parts were consecutively added? Or should we compare it to collections of discrete texts with common themes and concerns, such as the NT? As demonstrated by the reception-histories of closely related writings, such as Ezra, Nehemiah, and the later Ezra apocalypses, there are many possibilities in between.
On 1 Enoch as a Christian collection, see Black, Commentary, 11; cf. Knibb, "Christian Adoption," — Even when authors seem to be referring to BW, it is impossible to ascertain the shape and scope of the book s that they knew. This work, moreover, may have been transmitted in multiple forms. Text- critical scholarship on the Hebrew Bible has shown that, prior to the first century ce, many biblical books were far less stable than previously imagined; Jeremiah, for instance, circulated in two versions before the standardization of a single text-type soon after the destruction of the Second Temple.
When we turn to examine the Christian use of the Book of the Watchers in Chapters 4, 5 , and 6, we encounter the excerption of portions whether from a text of 1 En. As is well known, Christian quotations of Jewish scriptures were often drawn from testimonia. Likewise, Syncellus' extracts of the Book of the Watchers appear to have their ultimate origin in source-collections. Although the Ecloga Chronographica is an authored product, it is thus no less anthological in character than 4QEn c ' d ' e , Codex Panopolitanus, and 1 Enoch, albeit in a different way. In this, the redaction-history and reception-history of the Book of the Watchers are hardly unusual.
There are profound differences between the pro- duction and reception of books in premodern and modern times. By contrast, the Book of the Watchers reflects the efforts of multiple authors and editors. Although its literary growth stabilized around the third century bce, tradents continued to copy and translate this text for centuries afterwards, anthologizing it together with other writings and excerpting portions for inclusion in new works. Similarly, the brief Latin quotation from BD 1 En.
See Ch. Even if counterintuitive to modern Western sensibilities, this lack of fix- ity also fits well with the performative dimension of texts in antiquity: silent reading by a lone individual was more the exception than the norm, and both the oral dimension of a text's transmission and the aural dimension of its reception facilitated continual reinterpretation and recontextualization.
Despite the increasing standardization of biblical texts and collections in Late Antiquity, the transmission of noncanonical literature continued to be marked by a similar fluidity. This is evident, not only in the complex literary histories of other Second Temple Jewish texts transmitted by Christians, but also in Jewish texts composed after 70 ce.
If anything, Rabbinic and post- Rabbinic Jewish literature is even more complex in this regard. The Hekhalot literature exhibits such an extreme degree of textual fluidity that it can even be difficult to delineate discrete "texts.
Nevertheless, the dependence on source- collections shows that, even here, we cannot draw an absolute distinction between the author, on the one hand, and the tradent, redactor, and antholo- gist, on the other. Even here, we must allow for diverse modes of "authorial" creativity, which spanned the continuum from the composition of texts by 68 E. On copying, redaction, and collection as nexus for continued "authorship," Alexander and Samely, "Introduction," 5—16; Ta-Shma, "Open," ; Alexander, "Textual," — As we explore the redaction-history and reception-history of the Book of the Watchers, we will encounter this text in different forms, which shift with its adoption by different groups and with its displacement into new social settings.
Furthermore, we will be forced to grapple with different modes of "authorship" in much of the literature influenced by this apocalypse, both Jewish and Christian. Consequently, the reception-history of this book high- lights the dangers of imposing our modern understanding of authors, books, and readers on an era that long preceded the invention of the printing press. The character of ancient literary production complicates our inquiry, but I hope that it will also offer an interesting opportunity to explore the ways in which Jews and Christians composed, redacted, reshaped, and transmitted texts in Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages.
Our inquiry into the reception-history of this apocalypse necessitates a focus on the redacted form of the text, the form in which most Jews and Christians would encounter it. In light of its complex literary history, how- ever, the contents of the apocalypse cannot be addressed apart from some discussion of the strands from which it has been woven. As noted above, the Book of the Watchers appears to integrate at least five originally independent units into the larger narrative framework of an apoca- lypse.cuhagevivyxa.gq
To Dream of Angels – Meaning and More
In the apocalypse's present form, the combination and arrangement of these parts have resulted in the integra- tion of traditions about two events with no connection in the book of Genesis: Enoch walking with God and being taken by Him Gen and the "sons of God" choosing wives from the "daughters of men" Gen The first unit, 1 En.
The second, 1 En. Beginning with a paraphrase of Gen -4, this unit recounts the Watchers' descent from heaven, the tragic results for humankind, and the divine response to the earthly crisis - with no reference to Enoch at all. The next unit, 1 En.
The last two units 1 En. Consistent with the cosmological concerns of the first unit, they detail the special revelations that the antediluvian sage received during his tours of earth and heaven. Most notable for our purposes are the two units that most focus on the fallen angels: 1 En.
The former is commonly thought to be the earlier of the two. Not only do chapters make no mention of Enoch, but they are written as third-person narrative. In style, they thus recall biblical retellings such as Jubilees and the Genesis Apocryphon, even as they differ from the pseudonymous first-person and second-person addresses that dominate the rest of the Book of the Watchers. These and other factors have led scholars to propose that 1 En. This unit uses the trope of prophetic rebuke to insert Enoch into the story of the Watchers.
The apocalypse thus preserves multiple stages in the interpretation of the angelic descent myth, such that its redaction-history is, in more ways than one, the beginning of the story of its reception and reinterpretation. The present chapter will progress in three sections, mirroring different stages in the redactional growth of the apocalypse.
We will begin with 1 En. Tigchelaar, Prophets, Then, we will turn to the interpretation of these chapters in the next unit, 1 En. This will be followed by an analysis of the significance of the fallen angels and the instruction motif within the Book of the Watchers as a redacted whole. In conclusion, we will consider the status that the apocalypse, in its final form, claims for itself vis-a-vis the material about Enoch and the "sons of God" in Genesis.
In using the redactional growth of the Book of the Watchers to shed light on its final form, this chapter departs from most previous scholarship on the traditions about the fallen angels in this apocalypse. Consistent with R. Charles' foundational work on 1 Enoch, modern research into the Enochic myth of angelic descent has commonly focused on the earliest unit, 1 En. Yet their excavative interests have perhaps distracted from the task of explaining how the integration of multiple tradi- tions about the fallen angels contributes to the meaning of the apocalypse as a whole.
Inasmuch as source- critical and form-critical inquiries have tended to resolve the redundancies and inconsistencies in 1 En. Collins acknowledges the composite character of the Book of the Watchers, but he questions the anachronistic imposition of "a modern ideal of clarity or consistency" on this third-century bce apocalypse. Rather, the composite form and elusive imagery of 1 En. Like the typological interpretation of events and the emphasis on recurring patterns in human history, the juxtaposition of multiple approaches to the fallen angels in 1 En. The challenge of engaging the Book of the Watchers as both a composite text and a redacted whole proves particularly pertinent for the present inquiry.
To understand how later readers reconciled the different sometimes disso- nant versions of the angelic descent myth in the revelations here associated with Enoch, we must first understand how they operate within the Book of the Watchers. Most significant, in this regard, is Collins' suggestion that the inclusion of multiple traditions in 1 En.
Interpreting Our Dream About Angels
Even as the redactors preserve a range of different approaches to the fallen angels, the arrangement of these traditions functions to communicate a coherent mes- sage. Not only does this polysemy enhance the paradigmatic quality of the Book of the Watchers, but it surely facilitated the adoption of the Enochic myth of angelic descent by a variety of later Jews and Christians for a surprisingly broad range of different aims. This unit includes three descriptions of the Watchers' transgressions, each with a different focus. The first, 1 En. Chapter 7 tells of their cohabitation and defilement with 9 Collins, "Apocalyptic Technique," 99— The great violence of the Giants is then described v.
Gen , culminating in the outcry of the earth against them v. The next chapter, 1 En. This chapter is structured around a list of fallen angels that identifies the specific type of knowledge transmitted by each w.
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Although Semihazah appears in the list, another Watcher, Asael, is most prominent. Here, it is his act of instruction that precipitates the spread of violence and promiscuity amongst humankind. Like the preceding summary, this account of angelic sin concludes with a description of the violence of the Giants and the human outcry against them v.
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In the description of the response to this outcry by heavenly archangels in I En. The sins of the Watchers are thus described in the context of a petition for their punishment. Special attention is given to both Asael and Semihazah, while the rest of the Watchers remain unnamed. As in 1 En.
Scholars have typically explained the narrative redundancies and thematic inconsistencies in 1 En. As Collins rightly notes, "we cannot pur- posefully discuss the meaning and function of the Semihazah story apart from the Asael material" and, furthermore, "the fact that these distinct traditions are allowed to stand in some degree of tension is already significant for our understanding of the function of this book. Especially insofar as we have no evidence that the Semihazah and Asael material in 1 En.
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