Fourth-century Athenians were ten times more numerous.
These parameters significantly contributed to the success of Athenian democracy. Athens could field more combatants than almost every other Greek state. With such huge manpower-reserves individual Athenians had to fight only ever few years. Nevertheless this huge population also caused collective-action problems.
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Attica's farmers could not grow enough to feed them. The Athenians never had adequate personnel or recordkeeping centrally to administer so many citizens over such a large territory. Yet they found effective means at home and abroad to overcome these collective-action problems. Pritchard in press , 'The Armed Forces', in J. Neils and D. Rogers eds. He reassured assembly-goers that they already had the required funds and armed forces for victory The first corps that Pericles mentioned was the 13, hoplites 6. The next two were the strong cavalry and the archers 8.
The last corps of which he spoke was the navy of triremes. For each corps that he mentioned it studies the legal status of corps-members and their social background. The chapter explores how they were recruited into the corps and subsequently mobilised for campaigns. It explains the common expectations that they brought to this management. Pritchard in press , 'Athletics, Democracy and War', in J.
This chapter considers the paradox of elite athletics in Classical Athens. Athenian democracy may Athenian democracy may have opened up politics to every citizen but it had no impact on athletic participation. The athletes of this famous ancient democracy continued to be drawn from the elite. Therefore it comes as a surprise that non-elite Athenians judged athletics to be a very good thing and created an unrivalled program of local sporting festivals on which they spent a staggering sum of money.
They also protected athletes and athletics from the public criticism that was otherwise normally directed towards elite citizens and their conspicuous activities.
The work of anthropologists suggests that the explanation of this paradox lies in the close relationship that non-elite Athenians perceived between athletic contests and their own waging of war. Burckhardt and M. Speidel eds. Metzler Verlag. The verdict is unambigous : the military expenditures were by far the main item of expenditure in classical Athens.
Ancient Athens developed democracy to a higher level than any other state before modern times. It was the leading cultural innovator of the classical age. Classical Athens is rightly revered for these political and cultural achievements. Athens was directly responsible for transforming Greek wars and for raising their scale tenfold. With twenty times more citizens than an average Greek state Athens could field armies and fleets that were much larger than all but a few others.
The second major reason was the immense income that Athens got from its empire. This allowed it to employ thousands of non-elite citizens on campaigns and to perfect new corps and combat modes. There is a strong case that democratic government was the third major reason. The military impact of Athenian democracy was twofold.
The competition of elite performers before non-elite adjudicators resulted in a pro-war culture. This culture encouraged Athenians in ever-increasing numbers to join the armed forces and to vote for war. This debating reduced the risks of Athenian cultural militarism.cochex.com/kah-smartphone-tracking.php
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Political scientists have long viewed Athenian democracy as a source of fresh ideas. Presently they cannot satisfactorily explain the war-making of modern democracies. Consequently ancient history can provide political science with new lines of enquiry into how modern democracy impacts on international relations.
Diogo de Souza and V. Porto eds. A democrac Os esportistas desse Estado antigo continuaram a ser recrutados da elite. Pritchard , Foreword by Kurt A. Rohde eds. In her view, non-elite Athenians knew next to nothing about what the state spent. Consequently, they gratefully accepted the financial advice that politicians gave them. This article suggests that her famous argument went too far. It thus argues that the sums that the state spent on different activities did bear out the general preferences of non-elite Athenians.
In the assembly, it was these citizens who authorised the extraordinary activities of their states and the changes to its recurring activities. The council of five-hundred members monitored the revenues and the expenses of the polis closely. If a rival politician convinced assembly-goers that his proposal was unaffordable, he would also have to advise how its cost could be reduced, or where new income or cash-reserves could be found to pay for it.
In voting for such a proposal, assembly-goers were therefore making a decision not only on its merit but also on how much public income should be devoted to it. What they had learnt about budgeting in their demes and in their private lives also helped them to take such decisions. This would have made it easier for them to change their pattern of spending and hence what they spent on one class of activities relative to others.
Over time, such votes allowed assembly-goers to spend more on what they saw a priority and less on what they saw as less of a priority. As the classical period progressed, they became much better too at managing public income and setting budgets for public expenditure. What they had learnt outside the assembly about budgeting helped them to take such decisions. This made it easier for them to change their pattern of spending and hence what they spent on one class of activities relative to others.
Over time, such votes allowed assemblygoers to spend more on what they saw a priority and less on what they saw as less of a priority. Pritchard For Au Pritchard For Australians in France 11 November is a sombre day. I am not alone in having a great grandfather who survived Gallipoli only to be gravely wounded in France. Australian losses pale in comparison to 1.
In the face of such a catastrophe, it is often said that we should never again fight wars.
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Australia and France, who have fought together most recently in Syria, know that this is not possible. Rather we need to know whether, as democracies, our countries can make sound decisions about war and peace. There are two widely held beliefs about how a democracy takes such decisions. The first opinion holds that democracy is simply bad at waging wars. It assumes that the fear that democratic politicians have of voters prevents them from introducing the tough policies that security requires.
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